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Brainwashing: How The British Use the Media For Mass Psychological Warfare
Brainwashing: How The British Use the Media For Mass Psychological Warfare
BRAINWASHING:
How The British Use The Media for Mass
Psychological Warfare
by L. Wolfe
Printed in The American Almanac , May 5, 1997.
End of Page
``I know the secret of making the average American believe anything I want him to. Just
let me control television.... You put something on the television and it becomes reality. If
the world outside the TV set contradicts the images, people start trying to change the
world to make it like the TV set images....''
--Hal Becker, media ``expert'' and management consultant, the Futures Group, in an
interview in 1981 [1]
In the 15 years since Becker's comment, Americans have become even more ``wired'' into a mass media
network that now includes computer and video games, as well as the Internet--an all-surrounding
network whose power is so pervasive that it is almost taken for granted. As the standup comic said, ``We
are really a media conscious people. I know a guy who was run over by a car in the street. He didn't
want to go to the hospital. Instead, he dragged himself over to the nearest bar, to check out whether he
made it onto the evening news. When it wasn't on, he said, `What does a guy have to do, get killed, to
get on television?'|''
In the highest circles of the British monarchy and its Club of Isles, this great power is not taken for
granted. Rather, it is carefully manipulated and directed, as Becker describes from a limited standpoint,
to create and mold popular opinion. In a 1991 report published by the Malthusian Club of Rome, entitled
``The First Global Revolution,'' Sir Alexander King, top adviser on science and education policy to the
royal family and Prince Philip, wrote that new advances in communications technology will greatly
expand the power of the media, both in the advanced and developing sectors. The media, he proclaimed,
is the most powerful weapon and ``agent of change'' in the fight to establish a ``one-worldist,'' neo-
Malthusian order that will transcend and obliterate the concept of the nation-state.
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Brainwashing: How The British Use the Media For Mass Psychological Warfare
``It is certainly necessary to engage in a broad debate with the journalists and the top
media executives involved to study the conditions for them to be able to define this new
role,''
King wrote.
In his project, King's Club of Rome can count on cooperation from the media cartel, which is a British
asset, as documented in our report. It can also call on the capabilities of a mass psychological warfare
machine, also run by the British and their assets, which extends into key phases of media production,
and includes writers and psychiatrists who help shape the content, and the pollsters who fine-tune and
analyze the impact on targetted populations. Beyond this interacting network, there are millions of
participants involved in the production, distribution, and transmission of media messages, whose
thinking, in turn, has been shaped by the content of the media product, and who are, effectively, self-
brainwashed by the culture within which they live.
The Tavistock "Mother"
The historic center of this mass psywar apparatus is based outside London, in the Tavistock Center. [2]
Established in the aftermath of World War I under the patronage of the Duke George of Kent (1902-42),
the original Tavistock Clinic, led by John Rawlings Rees, developed as the psychological warfare center
for the royal family and British intelligence. Rees and a cadre group of Freudian and neo-Freudian
psychiatrists, applied wartime experience of psychological collapse, to create theories about how such
conditions of breakdown could be induced, absent the terror of war. The result was a theory of mass
brainwashing, involving group experience, that could be used to alter the values of individuals, and
through that, induce, over time, changes in the axiomatic assumptions that govern society.
In the 1930s, Tavistock's extended networks developed a symbiotic relationship with the Frankfurt
Institute for Social Research, created by European oligarchical networks, which focussed on the study
and criticism of culture from a neo-Freudian standpoint. In the late 1930s, with its operations transferred
from Germany to the New York area, the Frankfurt School coordinated the first analysis of the impact of
a mass media phenomenon, i.e., radio, on culture--the Princeton-based ``Radio Research Project.'' [3]
With the outbreak of World War II, Tavistock operatives took effective control of the Psychological
Warfare Directorate of the British Army, while its allied network in the United States embedded itself in
the American psychological warfare apparatus, including the Committee on National Morale and the
Strategic Bombing Survey.
By war's end, the combined influence of Tavistock (which became the Tavistock Institute in 1947) and
of the former Frankfurt School operatives, had created a cadre of ``psychological shock troops,'' as Rees
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Brainwashing: How The British Use the Media For Mass Psychological Warfare
called them, and ``cultural warriors'' numbering in the several thousands. Today that network numbers in
the several millions around the world, and it is the single most important factor in determining the
design and content of mass media product.
The "Pictures in Your Head"
In 1922, Walter Lippmann defined the term ``public opinion'' as follows:
``The pictures inside the heads of human beings, the pictures of themselves, of others, of
their needs and purposes, and relationship, are their public opinions. Those pictures which
are acted upon by groups of people, or by individuals acting in the name of groups, are
Public Opinion, with capital letters.''
Lippmann, who was the first to translate Sigmund Freud's works into English, was to become one of the
most influential of political commentators. [4] He had spent World War I at the British psychological
warfare and propaganda headquarters in Wellington House, outside of London, in a group that included
Freud's nephew, Eduard Bernays. [5] Lippmann's book Public Opinion, published one year after Freud's
Mass Psychology, which touched on similar themes, was a product of his tutelage by the Rees networks.
It is through the media, Lippmann writes, that most people come to develop those ``pictures in their
heads,'' giving the media ``an awesome power.''
The Rees networks had spent World War I studying the effects of war psychosis, and its breakdown of
individual personality. From their work, an evil thesis emerged: Through the use of terror, man can be
reduced to a childlike and submissive state, in which his powers of reason are clouded, and in which his
emotional response to various situations and stimuli can become predictable, or in Tavistockian terms,
``profilable.'' By controlling the levels of anxiety, it is possible to induce a similar state in large groups
of people, whose behavior can then be controlled and manipulated by the oligarchical forces for whom
Tavistock worked. [6]
Mass media were capable of reaching large numbers of people with programmed or controlled
messages, which is key to the creation of ``controlled environments'' for brainwashing purposes. As
Tavistock's researches showed, it was important that the victims of mass brainwashing not be aware that
their environment was being controlled; there should thus be a vast number of sources for information,
whose messages could be varied slightly, so as to mask the sense of external control. Where possible,
the messages should be offered and reinforced through ``entertainments,'' which could be consumed,
without apparent coercion, and with the victim perceiving himself as making a choice between various
options and outlets.
Lippmann observes in his book that people are more than willing to reduce complex problems to
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simplistic formulas, to form their opinion by what they believe others around them believe; truth hardly
enters into such considerations. Appearance of reports in the media confer the aura of reality upon those
stories: If they weren't factual, then why would they be reported? Lippmann says the average person
believes. People whose fame is in turn built up by the media, such as movie stars, can become ``opinion
leaders,'' with as much power to sway public opinion as political figures.
Were people to think about this process too much, it might break down; but, he writes,
``the mass of absolutely illiterate, of feeble minded, grossly neurotic, undernourished and
frustrated individuals is very considerable, much more considerable, there is reason to
think, than we generally suppose. Thus a wide popular appeal is circulated among persons
who are mentally children or barbarians, whose lives are a morass of entanglements,
people whose vitality is exhausted, shut-in people, and people whose experience has
comprehended no factor in the problem under discussion.''
Stating that he saw a progression to ever-less-thought-provoking forms of media, Lippmann marvels at
the power of the nascent Hollywood movie industry to shape public opinion. Words, or even a still
picture, require an effort for the person to form a ``picture in the mind.'' But, with a movie,
``the whole process of observing, describing, reporting, and then imagining has been
accomplished for you. Without more trouble than is needed to stay awake, the result
which your imagination is always aiming at is reeled off on the screen.''
Significantly, as an example of the power of movies, he uses the D.W. Griffith propaganda film for the
Ku Klux Klan, ``The Birth of a Nation''; no American, he writes, will ever hear the name of the Klan
again, ``without seeing those white horsemen.''
Popular opinion, Lippmann observes, is ultimately determined by the desires and wishes of an elite
``social set.'' That set, he states, is a
``powerful, socially superior, successful, rich urban social set [which] is fundamentally
international throughout the Western Hemisphere and in many ways, London is its center.
It counts among its membership the most influential people in the world, containing as it
does the diplomatic sets, high finance, the upper circles of the army and navy, some
princes of the church, the great newspaper proprietors, their wives, mothers, and daughters
who wield the scepter of invitation. It is at once a great circle of talk and a real social set.''
In a typical elitist fashion, Lippmann concludes that coordination of public opinion is lacking in
precision. If the goal of a one-worldist ``Great Society'' is to be realized, then ``public opinion must be
organized for the press, not by the press.'' It is not sufficient to rely on the whims of a ``super social set''
to manipulate the ``pictures in people's heads''; that job ``can only be managed by a specialized class''
which operates through ``intelligence bureaus.'' [7]
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The "Radio Research Project"
As Lippmann was writing, the radio, the first major mass media technology to invade the home, was
coming into prominence. Unlike the movies, which were viewed in theaters by large groups of people,
the radio provided an individualized experience within the home, and centered on the family. By 1937,
out of 32 million American families, some 27.5 million had a radio set--a larger percentage than had
cars, telephones, or even electricity.
That same year, the Rockefeller Foundation funded a project to study the effects of radio on the
population. [8] Recruited to what became known as the ``Radio Research Project,'' headquartered at
Princeton University, were sections of the Frankfurt School, now transplanted from Germany to
America, as well as individuals such as Hadley Cantril and Gordon Allport, who were to become key
components of Tavistock's American operations. Heading the project was the Frankfurt School's Paul
Lazerfeld; his assistant directors were Cantril and Allport, along with Frank Stanton, who was to head
the CBS News division, and later become its president, as well as chairman of the board of the RAND
Corporation.
The project was presaged by theoretical work done earlier in the studies of war propaganda and
psychosis, and the work of Frankfurt School operatives Walter Benjamin and Theodor Adorno. This
earlier work had converged on the thesis that mass media could be used to induce regressive mental
states, atomizing individuals and producing increased lability. (These induced mental conditions were
later dubbed by Tavistock itself as ``brainwashed'' states, and the process of inducing them called
``brainwashing.'')
In 1938, at the time he was head of the music section of the Radio Research Project, Adorno wrote that
listeners to radio music programs:
``fluctuate between comprehensive forgetting and sudden dives into recognition. They
listen atomistically and dissociate what they hear.... They are not childlike, but they are
childish; their primitivism is not that of the undeveloped, but that of the forcibly retarded.''
The Radio Research Project's findings, published in 1939, backed up Adorno's thesis of ``enforced
retardation,'' and serve as a brainwashers' handbook.
In studies on the serialized radio dramas, commonly known as ``soap operas'' (so named, because many
were sponsored by soap manufacturers), Herta Hertzog found that their popularity could not be
attributed to any socio-economic characteristics of listeners, but rather to the serialized format itself,
which induced habituated listening. The brainwashing power of serialization was recognized by movie
and television programmers; to this day, the afternoon ``soaps'' remain among the most addictive of
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