The Military Balance 2012.pdf

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Index of TablEs
Essays
1 Operation Odyssey Dawn ...............................................................14
2 Operation Uniied Protector ...........................................................14
North america
3 DoD’s War Budget Authority by Title FY2010 ............................43
4 US National Defense Budget Authority FY2008–FY2011 .....44
5 Budget Authority for Iraq, Afghanistan, and Other Overseas
Contingency Operations FY2001–FY2011 (US$bn) ................45
6 US National Defense Budget Function and Other
Selected Budgets 1992, 2002–2012 .............................................46
7 Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries,
North America ......................................................................................69
Europe
8 NATO Europe Gross Government Debt and
Real Defence Expenditure 2008–101 ...........................................74
9 French Defence Budget Proposals ................................................78
10
25
Notiications of October 2010 Proposed US
Foreign Military Sales to Saudi Arabia ($bn) .......................... 315
26
Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries,
Middle East and North Africa ....................................................... 357
latin america and the Caribbean
27
Latin America Defence Expenditure 2010–2011:
Top 10 and Sub-Regional Breakdown (US$ bn) .................... 364
28
Brazilian Defence Expenditure by Function (R$ m) ............. 368
29
Breakdown of Brazilian Defence Budget (2011)
(R$ m) ................................................................................................... 369
30
Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries,
Latin America and the Caribbean .............................................. 408
sub-saharan africa
31
South African Defence Budget by Programme,
2007–2013 .......................................................................................... 418
32
Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries,
Sub-Saharan Africa .......................................................................... 462
Germany: Future Force Numbers ..................................................79
Country comparisons
11
Expenditure on Operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya ... 84
33
Selected Training Activity 2011 ................................................... 464
12
Recent and Planned UK Defence Personnel,
Equipment and Estate Measures ...................................................85
34
International Comparisons of Defence Expenditure
and Military Manpower ................................................................. 467
13
Post-Main Gate Major Equipment Projects ...............................85
35
Arms Deliveries to Developing Nations –
Leading Recipients in 2010........................................................... 474
14
Breakdown of UK Defence Expenditure ....................................86
15
Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries, Europe ......... 174
36
Arms Transfer Agreements with Developing Nations –
Leading Recipients in 2010........................................................... 474
Russia
16
Russia National Defence Expenditure Trends (2000–14) ... 189
37
Global Arms Deliveries – Leading Suppliers
in 2010 .................................................................................................. 474
17
Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries, Russia .......... 204
asia
38
Global Arms Transfer Agreements –
Leading Suppliers in 2010 ............................................................. 474
18
Asia Defence Expenditure 2010–11: Top 10 and
Sub-Regional Breakdown.............................................................. 209
39
Value of Global Arms Transfer Agreements and
Market Share by Supplier, 2003–10 .......................................... 474
19
China Defence Budget Trends and Estimates (2008–10) .. 215
20
Indian Defence Expenditure by Function
(FY2009/10–FY2011/12) ............................................................... 218
40
Value of Global Arms Deliveries and Market Share
by Supplier, 2003–10 ..................................................................... 474
21
Japan Defence-Related Expenditures Breakdown
and Trends (2009–12) .................................................................... 223
41
Arms Deliveries to Middle East and North Africa,
by Supplier, 2003–10 ...................................................................... 475
22
Selected Arms Procurements and Deliveries, Asia ............... 294
Non-state Groups and ailiates
Middle East and North africa
42
Non-State Groups and Ailiates ................................................. 478
23
Middle East and North Africa Defence Expenditure
2010–11: Top 10 and Regional Breakdown (US$bn) ........... 306
Reference
43
List of Abbreviations for Data Sections ................................... 495
24
Saudi Arabia Macroeconomic and Budgetary
Trends 2001–10 (SR bn) ................................................................. 314
44
Index of Country/Territory Abbreviations ............................... 498
Index of FIGUREs
1 DoD Budget Authority (Constant FY2010 $) ..............................45
2 US Defence Expenditure (Budget Authority) as % of GDP ....48
3 NATO Europe Regional Defence Expenditure as %
of GDP ........................................................................................................75
4 Non-NATO Europe Regional Defence Expenditure
as % of GDP ..............................................................................................75
5 United Kingdom Defence Budget Trends
(FY2008/09–FY2014/15) .....................................................................84
6 Estimated Russian Defence Expenditure as % of GDP ......... 190
7 South and Central Asia Regional Defence Expenditure
as % of GDP ........................................................................................... 210
8 East Asia and Australasia Regional Defence Expenditure
as % of GDP ........................................................................................... 210
9 Asia Defence Expenditure 2010–11: Sub-Regional
Breakdown ............................................................................................ 211
10
Middle East and North Africa Defence Expenditure
2010–11: Sub-Regional Breakdown ............................................ 306
11
Middle East and North Africa Regional Defence
Expenditure as % of GDP ................................................................. 307
12
Latin America and the Caribbean Regional Defence
Expenditure as % of GDP ................................................................. 363
13
Sub-Saharan Africa Regional Defence Expenditure
as % of GDP ........................................................................................ 419
Index of Maps
1
The War in Libya ...................................................................................15
4 Côte d’Ivoire ....................................................................................... 412
5 Arctic .......................................................................... Inside back cover
2
Afghanistan ...........................................................................................29
3
Japan’s Earthquake, Tsunami and Nuclear Accident ........... 221
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The Military Balance 2012
Editor’s Foreword
The Military Balance 2012 is a comprehensive and inde-
pendent assessment of the military capabilities and
defence economics of 171 territories. It is also a reference
work on developments in global military and security
afairs.
One year ago, defence analysts may have assumed a
number of issues would dominate the defence debate in
2011, including the continuing shift in the relative balance
of military power to Asia; China’s rise, and its growing
strategic reach; deepening budget woes in Western econ-
omies and the efect of this on defence planning; the ten-
year anniversary of 9/11; and a decision on a future US
presence in Iraq. The year was instead dominated by the
Arab Awakening.
The strategic landscape in the Middle East and North
Africa is being reshaped, with new questions and uncer-
tainties afecting long-held assumptions about regional
power balances, military capabilities and deterrence. The
actions of some states’ armed forces have led analysts to
conclude that they function primarily as internal secu-
rity forces. Indeed, during the past year, many Arab
militaries have at times behaved as an extension of
ruling regimes and at times as independent institutional
players focused on securing and maintaining their own
positions. In some cases, what had seemed on paper
to comprise extensive and modern combat forces were
in fact revealed to consist of relatively small cores of
favoured and well-equipped troops designed to bolster
regimes.
This strategic lux is felt acutely in Israel. Turmoil
in Israel’s immediate neighbourhood sharpens an
established focus for the country’s defence planners,
for years concerned about Iran’s developing nuclear
and ballistic-missile programmes. Within the region,
Yemen’s apparent slide into greater instability concerns
not only Yemenis and their immediate neighbours, but
also those nations whose shipping and cargo transit the
vital sea lanes south of the country, already subject to
the unwanted atentions of Somali-based pirates. As for
the Gulf states, the Arab Awakening has diverted aten-
tion from the main threat they also perceive to stability:
Tehran’s ambitions and its nuclear and ballistic-missile
programmes.
But the Arab Awakening has also seen unprec-
edented willingness by several Arab governments
to back, and participate in, military operations. Both
the UAE and Qatar deployed combat aircraft, and in
Qatar’s case special forces, on operations in Libya, and
other Arab nations deployed military forces to support
humanitarian missions. However, at least as of the end
of November 2011 there was litle appetite to repeat it
in Syria, where the Assad regime continues to force-
fully resist demonstrators’ demands. The intervention
in Bahrain in March 2011 highlighted a diferent side
to this military activity, at least in Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC) states, with a willingness to use the
GCC’s Peninsula Shield force to maintain internal secu-
rity, based on the GCC charter’s section on military
cooperation. However, smaller Gulf states are wary
that the invocation of the charter to deploy into Bahrain
could serve as a precedent for Saudi intervention in their
own afairs. Sharpening focus on Iran also drives GCC
military developments: though the US maintains key
regional defence forces and facilities, and plays a central
coordinating role in elements of regional defence coop-
eration, GCC states have lately indicated a greater desire
to improve intra-GCC co ordinative mechanisms.
The US withdrawal from Iraq in December 2011
increases the salience of such developments. The US
retains key bases and substantial forces in the region, but
the failure to agree terms with Iraq meant the end of a
sustained US military presence that began with regime
change in 2003. Washington will of course retain a signif-
icant defence-related presence through the large US
Embassy, and military contracts signed with Iraq.
But for the US, the aftermath of the Iraq and
Afghanistan wars – combined with the impact of the
inancial crisis on budgets and perceptions of allied
unwillingness to help shoulder the burden – may have
implications for the nature and extent of US involve-
ment in future crises. This does not necessarily point to
retrenchment, but Washington may give more careful
thought to whether intervention in crises is necessarily
in the US interest; to the nature and duration of any mili-
tary response; and to the type of forces the US should
develop and maintain. That said, not every military
emergency will be of Washington’s choosing, so main-
taining lexible forces capable of acting in a wide range
of contingencies will also preoccupy the Pentagon. The
US nonetheless remains the only NATO member capable
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6
ThE MiliTary BalancE 2012
of sustaining large-scale air–sea operations, and the only
one able to project ground forces larger than a handful
of brigades in out-of-area operations. While US forces
will reduce in size, the adaptability demonstrated in the
years since 9/11, and particularly since the 2003 inva-
sion of Iraq, means the smaller force will still be highly
capable. However, as former US Secretary of Defense
Robert Gates said in May 2011, ‘a smaller military, no
mater how superb, will be able to go to fewer places and
be able to do fewer things’.
The US continues to contribute the majority of forces
to the ongoing NATO mission in Afghanistan, where
a transition of full security leadership to the Afghan
authorities by 2015 is planned. The Afghan National
Army and Police continue to expand, and many inter-
national armed forces and security establishments are
supporting eforts to build the capacity of these forces,
as well as to develop institutions within the Afghan
government. The pledge by many Western govern-
ments to withdraw combat forces by 2015 makes more
pressing the widespread assumption of independent
planning, mission execution and sustainment by Afghan
security forces; it also increases the pressure on Kabul,
and its international supporters, to remedy the institu-
tional weakness in governance that has so bedevilled the
NATO campaign.
This continuing US commitment demonstrates, as
did the Libya deployment, the enduring military capa-
bility retained by the US. Washington’s decision to with-
draw for the most part from a direct combat role in an
operation in Europe’s backyard showed that, even when
it is ‘leading from behind’, the US remains the indispen-
sible member of NATO. While the Alliance was able to
manage its Libyan operation without drawing down
forces in Afghanistan, things might have changed had
the campaign lasted longer than it did. The operation also
highlighted the importance of the enabling capabilities,
such as logistics support and ISR, that the US continued to
supply after it withdrew from combat operations. Libya
also revealed signiicant shortcomings on the part of US
Alliance partners, notably shortages in will and some key
capabilities and military specialisations. Despite Gates’s
chiding over the burden the US had to shoulder in Libya,
there is litle chance this situation will improve, particu-
larly in light of Europe’s economic diiculties and their
impact on defence ambitions and resourcing. Indeed, the
desire that European states should take on more of the
defence burden for the continent is perhaps as much a
relection of Washington’s recognition of defence budget
cuts to come, and the rising importance of Asia, as of US
weariness over carrying so much of the load for so long.
Some European governments continue to explore
ways to pool and share capabilities. Defence-budget pres-
sure in most NATO and EU states has created a window
of opportunity that should, in theory, propel govern-
ments towards closer defence cooperation. But the areas
of potential cooperation hitherto identiied have for the
most part involved education, training, logistics support
and maintenance, rather than deployable front-line capa-
bilities. Such cooperation can save money while creating
the same or improved capability, but it will need to be
complemented by a coherent long-term approach that
anchors pooling and sharing in national defence plan-
ning and focuses on capabilities relevant for likely tasks.
While it might be tempting to feed into pooling and
sharing initiatives projects that otherwise would have
been deleted, this could simply lead to obsolete capabili-
ties being uploaded onto the European level.
In the short term, until signiicant cost savings can
be made via interstate cooperation or greater industrial
coordination or competition, countries have resorted
to cuting personnel and equipment programmes. For
European governments, the decision to cut military
capabilities has generally been driven by economic
considerations. There has been some reassessment of
national priorities, but litle multilateral consultation
over the scale of capability cuts. Real-terms reductions in
defence spending have, between 2008–10, occurred in at
least 16 European NATO member states and, in a signii-
cant proportion these, real-terms declines exceeded 10%.
NATO still maintains its aspiration for member states to
spend at least 2% of their GDP on defence: a igure met
in 2010 by ive states: the US, the UK, France, Turkey and
Greece.
As noted in last year’s Military Balance , there is a signif-
icant and continuing shift in relative military strength
away from the West and towards Asia, where rapid
economic growth and continuing strategic uncertainty
have meant both demand for and availability of substan-
tially increased resources for defence. Across the region,
defence spending increased by a relatively substantial
3.15% in real terms over the last year, despite rising inla-
tion. China, Japan, India, South Korea and Australia
accounted for more than 80% of the total regional spend.
China, the region’s top spender, increased its share of
regional expenditure to above 30%, while Japan and
India saw their shares of the regional total fall below 20%
and 10% respectively. Many key procurement contracts
should soon be awarded. India, Japan and South Korea
are all in the process of buying new ighters. India
continues plans to boost its maritime capabilities with
submarine acquisitions and its domestic aircraft-carrier
programme (as well as one ex-Russian carrier). Australia
has also seen maritime-capability enhancements, and
the acquisition of F/A-18 E/F Super Hornets pending
the arrival of the F-35. After a period of relative stagna-
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