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CHAPTER EIGHT
THE CHACO WAR - 1928-1935
DOWNLOAD TEXT FOR ‘LATIN AMERICAN AIR WARS’ BY DAN HAGEDORN
© DAN HAGEDORN
With Special Thanks to Cnl. DAEN Victor Maldonado Guzman, FAB, T.S.Aé. Ramiro
Molina Alanes, IBHA, and Antonio Luis Sapienza
If this writer may be so bold, reader’s interested in a full, one-volume treatment of the
aviation involvement in this, the greatest of Latin American wars between states of the
region, are recommended to locate a copy of Aircraft of the Chaco War prepared for
Schiffer Publishing Company, Limited of Atglen, Pennsylvania by this writer and fellow
aviation historian Antonio L. Sapienza in 1997. 1
As is always the case, however, since the publication of the above work, much
additional information and corrections to previous assumptions have come to light. That,
plus some additional aspects of the aerial side of that savage conflict are offered here
for further consideration.
What came to be known as the Chaco War, between neighboring Bolivia and Paraguay,
was the first serious conflict between states in Latin America in the 20 th century. For
Bolivia, the war was basically prompted by her desire to have an unfettered outlet to the
sea. Bolivia had lost its coastal province of Antofagasta on the Pacific to Chilean forces
in 1879, and had finally given up its claim to the province in 1904. In 1929, Bolivia’s hope
of regaining a port on the Pacific were dashed again when Peru and Chile agreed to
divide the provinces of Tacna and Arica. Although Bolivian exports and imports (including
much of the war materiel she ultimately acquired) could pass freely through the Chilean
port of Arica, Bolivia’s leadership and ruling classes regarded the nation shut in, without
full control of a route to and a port on the ocean. Frustrated on the Pacific, they looked
1 ISBN 0-7643-0146-2
from their lofty perch eastward, over the nearly uninhabited plain known as the Chaco, to
the Rio Paraguay. There, across the river directly from Asunción, the Paraguayan capital,
they fixed their sights.
Paraguay, on the other hand, regarded the Bolivian advances in their direction as a
threat to the very existence of their nation, a factor that the reader should bear in mind in
assessing the events of the time. While the Chaco itself was not known to hold any
important resources, oil fields had been located in Bolivian territory, close to the western
extremity of the Chaco, where the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey had been
producing small amounts of crude near Villa Montes since the early 1920s.
Although the war itself is often described as only having been fully engaged between
1933 and 1935, the critical development of the coming fight actually started with a frontier
incident on December 5, 1928, when Paraguayan troops attacked and, apparently in
contravention of standing orders, destroyed the Bolivian Fortín Vanguardia and Golpón
at the northern end of a series of small forts that Bolivia had been constructing for some
time across the breadth of the Chaco.
Bolivia replied by mobilizing its own army and by taking the Paraguayan Fortín
Boquerón and Mariscal Lopez near the extreme opposite end of the same line of forts. In
the course of this action, Bolivian Grupo de Combate aircraft delivered the first foreign
aerial attack experienced by a South American town, although as it happened, none of
the bombs actually exploded. This December 1928 attack, ostensibly against the
Paraguayan Army and Naval installation at Bahía Negra, very nearly resulted in full-scale
warfare between the two nations - a point not actually reached for four more years.
Flown by a mix of Breguet Bre 19s and Fokker CVb 2 biplane, single-engine bombers, one
of the latter, according to the U.S. Attaché in Buenos Aires, crewed by Tte’s. Lozada
2 Although the C Vbs had been delivered to Bolivia in January 1925, they apparently had not all been
erected by early 1927. Incredibly, there was a very serious competition between the French crews who were
demonstrating and training crews on the newer Breguet 19s and the Fokker representative, Emil Meinecke.
The delay in not only erecting the Fokkers - but training crews (who had been rejected by the Breguet
and Manchego, was allegedly brought down by ground fire, and the crew captured.
Unfortunately, neither Bolivian nor Paraguayan sources support this interesting report
which, if true, represented the first foreign aircraft downed by anti-aircraft fire in South
America. What is more, however, is that neither of the named airmen show up in any
published Bolivian aviation histories. Fellow aero-historian Antonio Sapienza believes that
this incident was somehow confused with the capture of an Argentine civilian
Aéropostale Latécoère Laté 26 flown by French pilot Jean Mermoz which, at the time,
was thought by Paraguay to have been operating for Bolivia.
Throughout the lengthy period of negotiations and probing that ensued, the relative
positions of the two opposing nations must be viewed as differing in two very important
ways. First and foremost, Bolivia had a definite goal for her troops: the west bank of the
Rio Paraguay. Her ambitions in this regard were backed mainly by juridical interpretations
of old colonial documents. The area usually called the Gran Chaco belonged, originally, to
the same Spanish colonial district (called an audiencia ) as Bolivia. Thus, in Bolivian eyes,
the land was viewed as legally subject to the Spanish colonial administration’s successor
government in La Paz. In truth, however, the mountain peoples had little genuine
connection with the sweltering lowlands. Paraguay, for her part, was determined that
formal boundaries be reset at their originally designated locations in the Chaco.
Throughout this period, Bolivia’s Chief of Staff, the German General Hans Kundt,
continuously proposed aggressive action against Paraguay, including the occupation of
Chaco fortíns on the Paraguayan frontier, and the aerial bombardment of Asunción itself.
His simplistic logic was that it was, in the end, cheaper to make war on Paraguay than
continue an extended armed peace.
For readers from vastly different geographical areas of the earth, it is asking much to
comprehend the arena in which this contest occurred. It is difficult to imagine a more
inhospitable land area. Depending on what measurement you prefer, the Gran Chaco
instructors!) ironically resulted in more of the Dutch aircraft surviving well into the first years of the
must be described as the most hostile of a largely uninhabited, 250,000 square mile
region. It is extremely arid, nearly semi-desert, where some of the highest temperatures
recorded in all of South America are encountered. In the west, nearer to the Bolivian
mountains, the land is at first fairly gentle - deceptively so to the highland Bolivian troops
who first arrived there. Even at that, it is almost perfectly flat, sparsely vegetated, and
virtually waterless - factors that would haunt thousands of men in the years to come.
Farther east, just as you begin to believe that it can’t possibly grow any worse, it does. It
gradually changes to a thick, brittle, almost impassable thorn bush jungle punctuated
occasionally by extremely dense stands of quebracho trees and a few blessed, grassy
clearings. A complete inventory of all of the biting, stinging insects and tropical diseases
that might be encountered there has never been completed.
Having said all this, however, it is an immutable law of human history that, whatever the
political motivations for warfare between tribes or states, the issue almost always turned
upon the relative preparedness of the troops on the ground, their motivation, and their
leadership. With regard to the Chaco War, relatively little has been written on this subject
but, for the purposes of this study, in which airmen of both sides attempted to carry out
what were, for all intents and purposes, Army cooperation missions, these issues
became very personal on a daily basis.
The U.S. Military Attaché in Buenos Aires as of February 18, 1933, Captain Frederick D.
Sharp, USA, wrote a remarkably candid report on the relative motivation and morale
issues facing the two warring nations. While not intended as any slight to the veterans
who suffered so much in a conflict that was poorly understood at the troop level, these
viewpoints are appropriate, coming from a neutral observer, in gaining a fuller
understanding of why events unfolded as they did.
In describing the Paraguayan Army solder he stated that “…. he is a fierce and
audacious fighter individually. He is well trained in the use of his rifle, and especially his
conflict.
machete. He would rather die than be captured. He has intestinal fortitude to a marked
degree. He is loyal and faithful. He is now well supplied with all manner of weapons,
ammunition and food. He is under the command of able chiefs. He is well organized,
however, due to politics and the waiting for an act of the almighty to smite the Bolivians,
he holds back and will not assume the active offensive to consummate a victory -
although he will counter attack to regain his lost positions.”
With regard to the Bolivians, troops, he was noticeable less sanguine. He wrote, “ The
Bolivian on the other hand, is an indian of low mentality, individually not a good fighter
and not well disciplined. He has no desire to be in the Chaco, finds himself there only
because he has been forced into it, by his white or Cholo brothers; lacks instruction in
the use of his arms and fears the Paraguayan machete above all. He would rather be a
prisoner, eating well and away from danger, than to be defending his country. He is not
interested in the war. He is not loyal - deserting when the opportunity presents itself. He
is not a good fighter and lacks nerve. He is easily excited, losing his life as a result. He
is well supplied with arms, ammunition and food, but does not use them to their best
advantage. He is not well organized - at the same time his leaders maneuver him by the
German method of kicking, strafing and use of pistol behind the line while advancing.”
The relative Prisoner-of-War numbers seem to bear out much of what the Attaché
reported.
With regard to the Bolivian leadership and prosecution of the war, he commented in the
same report that “….. President Salamanca has, from the commencement of the
hostilities, forced the hand of his various commanding Generals in the Chaco, making
them attack against their better judgments. He has been the responsible factor in
promoting the war.” In truth, the President did indeed sack and place on the retired list
Generales Quintanella, Mariaco Pando, Lanza and Osorio, and replaced them with
General Kundt or, as the Paraguayans called him, “the rented general.” Of the original
Bolivian General Staff, only General Bilboa remained in the Chaco by February 1933. In
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